ድሬዳዋ ዩኒቨርስቲ - በፖለቲካና ሙስና የጎበጠው ተቋም

(ዮናስ መብራህቱ)

ሀገር በትውልድ ትገነባለች፡፡ ትምህርት ደግሞ ትውልድን ይገነባል፡፡ ለዚህም ነው - Education is one of the most important agents of socialization!!! የሚባለው፡፡ ስለዚህም ነው ተቋማዊ ነጸነት ያለው፣ ጥራቱን የጠበቀ እና በከፍተኛ ሞራላዊ አስተምህሮት የተመሰረተ ትምህርትና የትምህርት ስርዓት ለአንዲት ሀገር ሁለንተናዊ እድገት ወሳኝ ነው የሚባለው፡፡ከዚህ መርህ አንጻር በኢትዮጵያም የህጎች ሁሉ የበላይ የሆነው ህገ-መንግሰት ትምህርት በማናቸውም ረገድ ከሀይማኖት፣ከፖለቲካ አመለካከቶች እና ከባሕላዊ ተጽዕኖዎች ነጻ በሆነ መንገድ መካሄድ አለበት የሚለው (90(2)፡፡ ሌሎች ህጎችም ለምሳሌ የከፍተኛ ትምህርት ዓዋጅ (650(2001)) ተቋማዊ ነጸነት ከተጠያቂነት ጋር ማረጋገጥ የዓዋጅ ዋነኛ ዓላማ እንደሆነ በማያሻማ መልኩ ያሰቀመጣል፡፡

ህግ ማውጣት እንጂ መሬት ላይ ጠብ የሚል ነገር የለም፡፡ በተለይ የማንነት ፖለቲካን መሰርት ያደረገውን የፌደራሊዝም ስርዓት መምጣትን ተከትሎ የከፍተኛ ትምህርት ተቋማት አደረጃጀትና አመራር ከብሔር ተዋጽኦና ፉክክር ጋር በከፍተኛ ደረጃ ተቆራኝቷል፡፡የከፍተኛ ትምህርት ተቋማት የፌደራል መስርያ ቤት መሆናቸው ቀርቶ በክልልና በከተማ አሰተዳደር አመራሮችና ካድሬዎች እንደሚተዳደሩ ያደባባይ ሚስጥር ነው፡፡ከሞላ ጎደል ሁሉም ዩኒቨርስቲዎች በሚባል ደረጃ የብሔር ፖለቲካ ስሌት ሰለባዎች እንደሆኑ ቢታወቅም ላለፉት ስድስት ዓመታት በመምህርነት ያገለገለኩበት ድሬዳዋ ዩንቨርስቲ ግን በተለዬ ሁኔታ ዓይን ያወጣና በብሔር ፖለቲካ የነቀዘ ተቋም ነው ብል ማጋነን አይመስለኝም፡፡ የዩንቨርስቲው ችግር የድሬዳዋ አስተዳደር የማንነት ፖለቲካ ችግር ነጸብራቅ በመሆኑ በአስተዳደሩ ያለው የኦህዴድ እና ሶህዴፓ( የሶማሌ ህዝቦች ዴሞክራሲያዊ ፓርቲ) የይገባኛል ወዝግብ በተቋሙ ውስጥም በጉልህ ይንጸባረቃል፡፡ድሬዳዋ ዩንቨርስቲ በ 1999 ዓ.ም በዓወጅ ሲቋቋም ከሀሮማያ ዩኒቨርስቲ የተላለፈ ስለነብር ከሌሎች አዳዲስ ዩንቨርስቲዎች የተሻለ መሰረት ነበረው፡፡ ነገር ግን በሙስናና በመልካም አስተዳደር ችግር እግር ተወርች ተጠፍሮ፣ተቋማው ነጸነት እርም ሁኖበት፣ተማሪዎችን፣መምህራን እንዲሁማ ሌሎች የግቢው ማህበረሰብ አባለትን እያስመረረ ላለፉት 9 ዓመታት እየዳሀ ይገኛል፡፡ ሙስናና የብሔር ፖለተካ ተቋምን አበስብሰውታል፡፡

የከፍተኛ ትምህርት ዓዋጅ ፕሬዝዳንቶችና ምክትል ፕሬዝዳንቶች በይፋ ተወዳዳሪዎች ተጋበዘው የተሻለ ብቃትና ዝግጁነት ያለው ተመርጦ በቦረድ ይሾማል ብሎ ቢደነግግም ውድድርና በቃት ምንም ቦታ ስለሌላችው አንድም ቀን ተግባራዊ ሁኖ አያውቅም፡፡ ለምሳሌ ከ1999 እስክ 2006 በነበረው የፓርቲዎች አሰላለፍ ሶህዴፓ የአስተዳደርና ቢዝነስ ጉዳዮች ምክትለ ፕሬዝዳነትነትና ኮታ ያለተቀናቃኝ ስለተሰጠው የፓርቲው የማዓከላው ኮሚቴው አባል የነበረችውን የእውቀት ባዳ ተሿሚ ወ/ሮ ኡባህ አደም ካድሬ አምጥቶ ፍዳችንን ሲያሳይን ነበር፡፡ የአካዳሚክ ጉዳዮች ምክትል ፕራዝዳንትነትን የኦህዴድ ስለነበር የብሔር መታወቅያወንና የፓርቲ አባልነቱን ብቻ በማየት ያለምን ውድድር ዶ/ር ፍቃዱ ለሜሳ የተባለ አንድ ንጹህ (ከእወቀትና ብቃት ማለቴ ነው) ሰው ግቢውን ሲያስተዳድር ነበር።፡እነዚህ ተሿሚዎች ቢሮ ጉዳይ ባግባቡ አያሰተናገዱም ነበር፤ ብዙ ግዜም ለፓርቲ ስብሳባ ስለሚሄዱ ሜሮን ጌትነት እንዳለችው ወንበሩ ባዶ ነበር። ይባስ ብለው በስሮቻቸው የሚገኙ አመራሮችም በብሔርና በፖለቲካ መዋቅር ውስጥ ስላስገቧችው በብቃትና በውድድር መመረጥ እንዲሁም ተጠያቂነትና ሀለፊነት አይጎበኛቸውም፡፡ አሁንም ድረስ የሚገርመኝ የሶህዴፓ ተሿሚ ለትምህርት ወደውጭ ስለተላከች ፓርቲው ሰው እስኪያገኝ ተብሎ የአስተዳደርና ቢዝነስ ጉዳዮች ምክትል ፕሬዝዳነትነትና ቦታ ከ 2005 ዓ.ም እሰከ ጥር 2006 ዓ.ም ለአንድ ዓመት ከስድስት ወር ባዶ ስለነበር ስራ ሲበደልና ባለጉዳይ ሲጉላላ ማንም ምንም አለማለቱ ነው፡፡ እንድ ተራ የሶዴፓ ካድሬ ድንገት ተገናኝተን ስናወራ ለምክትል ፕሬዘዳነትነት ቦታ ሰው እየመረጡ እንደሆነና እንደሚሾሙልን ሲነግረኝ በጣም ነበር ያመመኝ፡፡ለአንድ የተማረ ማህበረሰብ ይገኝበታል ተብሎ የሚገመት ዩኒቨርስቲ አንድ ተራ ካድሬ አመራሩን ሲሾምለት ከማየት የባሰ ተቋማዊ ንቅዘት የት ማግኘት ይቻላል?

አመራሮች እንዲለወጡ፣ የመምህራን ማህበር እንዲቋቋም በተደጋጋሚ ለዩኒቨርስቲው ከፍተኛ ውሳኔ ሰጪ አካል - የዩኒቨርስቲው ቦርድ - ቢጠየቅም በፓርቲዎቹ ፉክክር ምክንያት ጆሮ ዳባ ልበስ ብሎ ይመልሰን ነበር፡፡ ነገር ግን የፖለቲካ ፉክክሩ ጡዘት ሲያይልና የፖለቲካ አስፈጻሚነታችወ ላይም ድክመት ስላሳዩ በራሱ ግዜ አነሳችው፡፡ በ2006 ዓ.ም ተግባራዊ የሆነው ከብሔር ፖለቲካ ያልወጣው ያመራር ለውጥም አሁንም ብቃትና ልምድ በኢትዮጵያ ባይተዋር እንደሆኑ ማሳያ ነው፡፡ በአዲሱ አሰላለፍ ኦህዴድ በለስ ቀንቶት የፕሬዝዳነትነት ቦታ ለዶ/ር ግርማ ጎሩ ሲያሰረከብ ሶህዴፓ የለመደውን የምክትል ፕሬዝዳነትነት ቦታ በ ዶ/ር መሀዲ ኢጌ በኩል ተረክቧል፡፡ ቀሪው የምክትል ፕሬዝዳነትነት ቦታ ለብአዴን ኢህአዴግ እጣ ወጥቶለታል፡፡ ተቋማዊ ነጸነት ይልኋል እንግዲህ ይህ ነው፡፡ በቦርዱና በፓርቲዎቹ መሃል ባለ የፖለተካ ሸኩቻና ስምምነት የሚሾሙ የብቃትና የእውቀት መሀን ካድሬዎች ዩኒቨርስቲውን ስለሚያሾሩት ለዶክትሬት እና


ሌሎች ትምህርቶች ወደ አዲስ አበባና ሌሎች አገሮቸ የሚሄዱ መምህራን ወይ በዛው የዉሃ ሽታ ሁነው ይቀራሉ አልያም ወደ ዩኒቨርስቲው ላለመመለስ ትምህርታቸውን ያራዛማሉ፡፡
ስለ ዪኒቨርስቲ ከተወራ ስለ ፓርቲ ክንፍ (part wings) አለማውራት ይከበዳል፡፡ ከፕሬዝዳንት እስከ ዝቅተኛ አመራር በፓርቲ ሰዎች መያዙ አልበቃ ብሎ የፓርቲ ክንፍ ተብለው ከኢህአዴግ(ኦህዴድ፣ብአዴንና ህዉሀት) እና ከ ሶህዴፓ ተወክለው በግቢው ውስጥ ያለውን እንቅስቃሴ በዓይነ ቁራኛ የሚከታተሉ እንደአስፈላጊነቱም የተለያየ እርምጃ የሚወስዱ አስፈሪ የፖለቲካ ካድሬዎች ናቸው ፡፡ እርግጥ ነው በመንግስት ንብረት ወይም በህዝብ ሀበት የፓርቲ ስራ መስራት ነውርም ህገ-ወጥም ነው፡፡በመንግስትና በፓርቲ ህልውና ያለው ልዩነት ያልገባው ቢገባውም ለመርህ ግድ የሌለው የኢህአዴግ መንግስት ግን ለፓርቲ ክንፍ አባላት ሙሉ ወጪያቸውን ከህዝበ ሀበት ሸፍኖ ከፍተኛ የመኪና እጥረት ባለበት ግቢ የተለያዩ መኪናዎች ታዞላቸው በግቢው ውስጥ ካደራጇቸው የመምህራንና የተማሪዎች የህዋስ አባላት ጋር በመሆን ቀን ከለሊት ተማሪዎቸንና መምህራንን እየሰለሉ በክፍል ሳይቀር ማን ምን ተናገር እየተባለ ስጋትና ጭንቀት ውስጥ የሚከቱ ናቸው፡፡ አልፎ አልፎም በፓርቲ ስራ ምክንያት ፈተና ያመለጠው ወይም አሳይመንተ ያላሟላ ተማሪ ካለ በከንቲባው ጸ/ቤት አድርጎ በፕሬዝዳነት ያልፍና ድጋሚ እንድትፈትን ወይም ውጤት እንድታስተካክል ትዕዛዝ ይመጣል፡፡ የዚህ ስርዓት ዉጤት የሆነው ተማሪም በስራውና በውጤቱ የሚተማመን ስላለልሆነ በብአዴን ወይም በህወሀት ስም ፈተና ወረቀት ላይ በመጻፍ የሚማጸኑ እንዳሉ የዪኒቨረስቲው የቦርድ ሰብሳቢ የፌዴራል ጉዳዮች ሚኒስተር ደኤታ አቶ ሙሉጌታ ስጦታው በመስከረሙ የመምህረን የፖለቲካ ስብሰባ በአደባባይ የተናገሩት ነው፡፡በፓርቲዉ ዉስጥ ባለው የህዋስ አደረጃጀትና ተሳትፎ በሚሰጠው ዉጤት የሚመጻደቅና አስተማሪውን የሚያመናጭቅ እንዲያ ሲልም ለድብድብ የሚጋበዝ ትውልድ እያፈራን ነው - ምስጋና ለኢህአዴግ ስርዓት!!!

በቅርቡ ደግሞ ከቀጣይ ግንቦት ምርጫ ጋር በተያያዘ ባሉት አመራሮች ላይ እምነት ያጣው መንግስት በዩኒቨርስቲ ውስጥ ያሉት የት/ት ክፍል ዲኖችና ዳይሬክተሮች በአመነባቸው አመራሮች የመቀየር ስራ ተያይዞታል፡፡ በነጻ ውድድር ተወዳደሩ ቢልም ለውድድር የቀረበዉ መስፈርቶች ግን በዋነኝነት ፖለቲካዊ አመለካከቶችን መሰረት ያደረጉ ናቸው፡፡ ለምሳሌ ለማንምና ለምንም ግልጽ ያልሆኑ ልማታዊና ዲሞክራሲያው አስተሳሰቦች መላበስና በተቋሙ እንዲሰፍን ማድረግ፣የኢህአዴግ ፖሊሲና ስትራተጂ ለመተግበር ያለው ራዕይ የመሳሰሉት ዋነኞቹ መስፈርቶች ነበሩ፡፡ የምርጫ ሂደቱን ያየን እንደሆነም ተወዳዳሪዎች ዕቅዶቻቸውን ለአወዳዳሪዎች በንግግር ሲያቀረቡ ሶሶት የፓርቲ ክንፍ አባላት እንዲታዘቡና እንዲገመግሙ የተደረገ ሲሆን የግምገማዉን ውጤት ከ 50% ውጤቱን ለሚሞሉት ፕሬዝዳንቶች ሀሳብ በማቅረብ (recommend) በማድረግ እነሱ የፈለጉት እንዲመረጥ ተደርጓል፡፡ ስለዚህ ዪኒቨርሰቲ ውስጥ የሚካሄደውን ምርጫ በተመለከት የሚያሰጋው ነገር አይኖርም ምክንያቱመ ምርጫውን (ምርጫ የሚባል ካለ) ለማጭበርበር የሚያስችል ስራ ተሰርቷል፡፡

ሙስና ሌላው ሀይ ባይ ያጣ ጉዳይ ነው፡፡ በ1997 ዓ.ም የተጀመሩ በርካት ህንጸዎች አመራሮቹ ከኮንትራከተሮችና የህንጻ ተቋራጮች ጋር እየተሞዳሞዱና እየተመሳጠሩ እንደአስፈላጊነቱም ኮንትራከተሮችን እያቀያይሩ ከ 10 ዓመት በላይ ተጓተዋል፡፡ የዩኒቨርስተዉ የቀዱሞ ፕሬዝዳንት የነበሩት ዶ/ር ወጋየሁ በቀለ በህንጻ ተቋራጮ ጨረት በቀጥታ እንደሚሳተፉና የገቢው Enginering unit (የህንጻ ጉዳይ ተቆጣጣሪ አካል ነው) የጣለው ኮንተራክተር በፕሬዝዳንቱ እንዲያሸንፍ እንደሚደረግ ቢታወቅም አንድም ቀን ተጣርቶ አያውቅም (ከዩኒቭርስቲው ፊትለፊት ባለ 2 ፎቅ የሙአለ ህጻናት ፕሬዝዳንቱ እንዳሰራ ተጨማሪ መረጃ ብሰጣችሁስ)፡፡ ተጠናቀው ዩኒቨርስቲው የሚረከባቸው ህንጸዎችም ቢሆኑ ጥራታችወ የተጓደለና ብዙም ሳይቆዩ የሚሰነጣጠቁ፣መጸዳጃና ሌሎች ፋሲሊቲ ያልተሟላላቸው ስለሆኑ ተማሪዎችም አስተማሪዎችም በምሬት የሚናገሯቸው ናቸው፡፡ እንደውም ባንድ ወቅት ደረጃ የሌለው ህንጻ ተሰርቶ ደብረ ዳሞ ህንጻ የሚል ስም ተሰጥቶት ነበር(ደብረ ዳሞ ገዳም በገመድ እንደሚወጣ ልብ ይሏል)፡፡

በተደጋጋሚ ከምግብ ጥራትና አቅርቦት ችግር ጋር በተያያዘ በግቢው ውስጥ ለሚነሱ እሰከ መስታዎት መስበር የሚደርስ የተማሪዎች ‘ዓመጽ’ መንስዔዎቹ በምግብ አቅርቦት ጨረታና ግዢ የሚፈጸሙ ሙስናዎች ናቸው፡፡ የመንግስት ንብረት አስተዳደርና የጨረታ ህግን ያልተከተሉ ጨረታና ግዢ ስለሚካሄዱ ለተማሪዎች የሚቀርበው ምግብ ጥራቱ ያልጠበቀና በመጠንም አነስተኛ ከመሆኑ ባሻገር ተማሪዎችን ለተለያዩ በሽታዎች ያጋልጣቸዋል፡፡ ለምሳሌ እንድ እኔ በቅርበት የማዎቀው በ2006 ዓ.ም መስከረም አካባቢ ለተማሪዎች ምግብ የማቅረብ ጨረታ እሰከ 100 ሽሕ ብር የሚገመት ገንዘብ ለመዝረፍ ተብሎ የሕክምናና ሌሎች በሕጉና በጨረታው የተቀመጡ መስፈርቶች ያላሟላና ከሁሉም ተጫራቾች በላይ ዋጋ ያቀረበ ድርጅት እንዲያሸንፍ በመደረጉ ተሸናፊው ድርጅት ለጸረ-ሙስና ኮሚሽን አመልክቶ ኮሚሽኑ ምርመራውን ጀምሮ ነበረ፡፡ነግር ግን የዩኒቨርስቲው አመራሮች ከኮሚሸኑ ጋር ተደራድረው ሙሰኞችን በተቋሙ የዲሲፕሊን ኮሚቴ እንዲቀጡ ተወሰነ፡፡ ወንጀል የሆነውን ጉዳይ በዚህ መንገድ መቀይር እንደማይቻል ቢታወቀም ፣እኔ የነበርኩበት የዲስፕሊን ኮሚቴ ከተከሳሾችና ሌሎች ምስክሮች ተገቢውን ምርመራ አካሂደን ለቅጣት በምንዘጋጅበት ግዜ ከተቋሙ አመራሮች በመጣ ትዕዛዝ እንዲቋረጥ ተደረገ፡፡ሙሰኞችም እንኳን ሊቀጡና ማስተማርያ ሊሆኑ ወንጀላቸውን ላማድበስበስ ወደ ተሻለ ስልጣን ተቀየሩ፡፡

እኔም በዚህና በሌሎች ጉዳዮች ለምን ብዬ ስለጠየኩኝ ሚያዝያ 1 ቀን 2006 ዓ.ም በፕሬዝዳንቱ በተጸፈ ደብዳቤ ከኮሚቴው እንድባረርና ማስጠንቀቅያም እንዲሰጠኝ ተደረገ፡፡

በአጠቃላይ በሌሎችም የከፍተኛ ት/ት ተቋማት ያለው ነግር ተመሳሳይ ነው፡፡ በዚህ ዓይነት የት/ት ስርዓትና ሂደት በኢትዮጵያ ምን ዓይነት ትውልድ እየፈራ እንደሆነ መገመት አያዳግትም፣በመጨረሻም ለዚህ ስርዓት ባለስልጣናት መጽሐፍ ቅዱሰ መጽኀፈ ምሳሌ ላይ ባለ አንድ ጥቅስ አንድ ጥያቄ ልጠይቃቸው፣- እናንተ ብስለት የሌላችሁ፣ ማስተዋል የሌለበት መንገዳችሁን እስከ መቼ ትወዱታላችሁ?


ዮናስ መብራህቱ ከጀርመን
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February 5, 2015

በውንብድና የሚቆም የነፃነት ትግል አይኖርም!


በነብዩ ኃይሉ
እጥፍ ወርቅ በልስቲ በአንድነት ፓርቲ ውስጥ በተለያዩ የአመራርነት ቦታዎች ላይ ተሳትፋለች፡፡ እጥፍ ወርቅ የሰባት ወር ነብሰጡር መሆንዋ ህወሓት/ኢህአዴግ እና ምርጫ ቦርድ ብዙ ዋጋ የከፈለችበት ፓርቲ ላይ የሚያደርሱትን የማፍረስ ሴራ ተቃውማ ሰልፍ ከመውጣት አላገዳትም፡፡ በሰልፉ ላይ የገዢው ቡድን ፖሊሶችና የደህንነቶች ሲያዩዋት ደሟን ሊያፈሱ ቋመጡ፤ በአንዲት እንደ ቤተክርስቲያን ተሳላሚ ተከናንባ ቀበና መድሃኔዓለም ቤተክርስቲያንን በተደገፈች ወኪላቸውም ጥቆማ ጐትተው መሬት ላይ ጣሏት፤ አንገቷ ላይ የነበረውንም የወርቅ ሀብል በጥሰው በእጃቸው አደረጉ፡፡ ‹‹ነብሰጡር ነኝ፣ ሀላፊነቱን ትወስዳላችሁ›› እያለች ብትሟገትም ሽንጧ ላይ በጫማቸው ከመርገጥና በዱላ ጉዳት ከማድረስ አልተቆጠቡም፡፡

ለዘመናት በአገዛዝ ስርዓት ውስጥ ለማቀቀች እንደ ኢትዮጵያ አይነቷ ሀገር መንግስታት በዜጐቻቸው ላይ የሚወስዱት የሀይል እርምጃ አዲስ ላይሆን ይችላል፡፡ የህወሓት/ኢህአዴግ ተግባር ግን "መንግስት" ተብሎ እንዲጠራ የሚያደርገው አይደለም፡፡ ሽፍታ ለማለትም አይመጥንም፤ ሽፍታዎች ቢያንስ ለህፃናት፣ ለሴቶች እና ለአረጋውያን የርህራሄ ስሜት ያሳያሉ፡፡ ህወሓት/ኢህአዴግ ጋር ይህ አይታሰብም፤ ገዢው ቡድን ደም ማፍሰሱ የሚያረካው፣ የሚያስፎክረው፣ በማን አህሎኝነት የተወጠረ የወንበዴ ስብስብ ነው፡፡ ገዢውን ቡድን ከመንግስትነት ያስቆጠረው፣ በጭካኔ ተግባሩ ያስቀጠለው ግፍ መቀበልን የለመደው ድርቡ ቆዳችን ነው፡፡

በኢትዮጵያችን "ፖሊስ የህዝብ ነው" የሚለው አባባል ፌዝ ከሆነ ሰነባብቷል፡፡ ፖሊሶች ህዝባዊነታቸውን ትተውና ረስተው ለስርአቱ አድረዋል፡፡ ከህግ ይልቅ ደም ለጠማቸው አዛዦቻቸው ቅድሚያ በመስጠት ደም ለማፍሰስ ሲተጉ ይታያሉ፡፡ ወንጀል ተከላክለው ሳይሆን የንፁሀንን ደም አፍስሰው የሚሰጣቸው ሹመትና ሽልማት ከፍ ያለ ነው፡፡ የገዢው ፓርቲ ፖሊሶች ባለፈው ዕሁድ ጥር 17 ከአንድነት ጽ/ቤት የወጣውን ሰልፈኛ ደም ለማፍሰስ የተጠቀሙት ህወሓት በረሃ እያለ የሚጠቀምበትን የቆረጣ ስልት ነው፡፡ ያህንን ስልት ባለፈው አመት ሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ሳውዲ ኤምባሲ አቅራቢያ ባደረገው የተቃውሞ ሰልፍ ላይም ተጠቅመውበታል፡፡ ፖሊሶቹ ሰልፈኛውን ለመበተን በአንድ አቅጣጫ ብቻ መንገድ መዝጋት በቂያቸው ነበር፤ ሆኖም የደም ግብር ያለባቸውን የገዢውን ቡድን ባለስልጠናት ለማስደሰት ሲሉ ሰልፈኛውን በሁሉም አቅጣጫ ከበው የግፍ በትራቸውን አሳረፉ፤የሻቸውንም ዘረፉ፡፡

ባሳለፍነው እሁድ የአንድነት ፓርቲ አባላትና ደጋፊዎች ላይ የተወሰደው ፍጹም ጭካኔ የተሞላበት ድርጊት፤ ገዢው ቡድን ደም በማፍሰስ የሚረካ የወንበዴ ስብስብ እንደሆነ የሚያረጋግጥ ነው፡፡ የገዢው ቡድን ፖሊሶችና ደህንነቶች፣ አንድነት የጠራውን ሰልፍ ለማጨናገፍ ያለሙ ብቻ ሳይሆኑ የሰዎችን ደም ማፍሰስንም ግባቸው ያደረጉ ነበሩ፡፡ ለዚህም ነው የሰባት ወር እርጉዝ መሬት ላይ ጥለው በጭካኔ የረገጡት፣ ለዚህ ነው የአምልኮ ስፍራን በደም በተጨማለቀ ርካሽ ማንነታቸው አርክሰው በፀሎት ላይ የነበሩ የ70 አመት አሮጊት በጭካኔ የደበደቡት፣ ለዚህ ነው እጁ ተሰብሮ የወደቀን ጋዜጠኛ ከበው እንደ እባብ የቀጠቀጡት! ለዚህ ነው በድብደባው ባለመርካት ሴት ልጅ የያዘችውን ቦርሳ ወርቅና ሞባይል ቀምተው መሬት ላይ በመጣል ልብሷን የሚቀዳድዱት፡፡ ለዚህ ነው ከሰውነት አስተሳሰብ ወርደው የአውሬን ጭካኔ የተላበሱ ኃይሎች የነፃነት ታጋዮች ላይ በጠራራ ፀሐይ ውንብድና በመፈፀም የነፃነት ትግልን ለማስቆም የሚውተረተሩት፡፡

ገዢው ቡድን፣ ባሰለፈው ሰራዊትና በመሣሪያው ብዛት ተማምኖ የሚፈፅመው የአውሬ ተግባር በየትኛውም መለኪያ የነፃነት ትግሉን እንደማይገታው የሚያረጋግጠው እንደ ህወሓት/ኢህአዴግ በአውሬነት የብዙ ንፁሃንን ደም በጠራራ ፀሐይ ያፈሰሰው የግራዚያኒ ተግባር ነው፡፡ ግራዚያኒ የአዲስ አበባ ነዋሪዎችን ደም ቢያፈስም የነፃነት ትግሉ ግን አልቆመም፡፡ የግራዚያኒ የግፍ ተጋሪ የህወሓት/ኢህአዴግ ተግባርም ትግሉን ከማፋፋም ባለፈ እንደማያኮስሰው መሰል አምባገነኖች ታሪክ ምስክር ነው፡፡


በዕለቱ በፓርቲው አባላትና ደጋፊዎች ላይ የደረሰው ዘግናኝ ድብደባ በአይን የሚታይ አካላዊ ጉዳት ቢያስከትልም በተቃራኒው ረቂቅ የሆነ የመንፈስ ፅናት ሰጥቷቸው አልፏል፡፡ ግፈኞች፣ በጭካኔ ተግባራቸው የህዝብን መንፈስ ለማድቀቅ ቢሞክሩም፣ በተቃራኒው በራሳቸው ላይ ቆራጦችን እየመለመሉ እንደሆነ አልተገነዘቡትም፡፡ ለዚህ አባባሌ ማሳያ የሚሆነኝ ከሁሉም በላይ አስከፊው የአካል ጉዳት የደረሰበት ወዳጄ ጋዜጠኛ ስለሺ ሃጎስ፤ እጁ ተለያይቶ፣ ፊቱ ተሰንጥቆ ባለበት ሁኔታ ውስጥ ሆኖ የሰጠኝ አስተያየት ነው፡፡

በነገራችን ላይ ጋዜጠኛ ስለሺ ሃጐስ ለወንበዴዎቹ የግፍ በትር አዲስ አይደለም፤ በቀጥታም ሆነ በተዘዋዋሪም በአካሉም በመንፈሱም ላይ ተፈራርቆበታል፡፡ ከአራት አመታት በፊት በገዢው ቡድን አካላት ታስሮ በማዕከላዊ በርካታ የግፍ ማሰቃያ ተግባሮች ተፈፅመውበታል፡፡ ጋዜጠኛው በግሉ ከመታሰሩ፣ ግፍ ከመቀበሉም በላይ ውድ እጮኛውን ጋዜጠኛ ርዕዮት አለሙ፤ ግማሽ እሱነቱን ይዛ ታስራበታለች፡፡ በእሁዱ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ላይ በድብደባ እጁን ተሰብሮ በወደቀበት ከስምንት ያላነሱ የገዢ ቡድን ፖሊሶች በወደቀበት እንደ እባብ ቀጥቅጠውታል፡፡ በድብደባው በግራ ጉንጩ ላይ ከፍተኛ ጉዳት ደርሶበታል፡፡ የጋዜጠኛው የትግል መንፈስ በማዕከላዊ ስቃይ እንዳልተፈታው፣ በንጹኋ እጮኛው እስር እንዳልቆመው ሁሉ እሁድ በተፈፀመበትም የግፍ ተግባርም አልተሸረሸረም፡፡
ጋዜጠኛ ስለሺ ሃጎስ፣ ለመላው የነፃነት ታጋይ የሚከተለውን መልዕክት አስተላልፏል፡፡ "በሰልፉ ላይ ስሳተፍ ከዚህ የበለጠ ጉዳት እንደሚደርስብኝ ጠብቄ ነበር፡፡ የገዢውን ቡድን አውሬነት ከማንም በላይ እገነዘበዋለሁና የደረሰብኝ ጉዳት አንድ ኢንች ከጀመርኩት ትግል አያስቆመኝም፡፡ በሚቀጥሉት ሳምንታት ፓርቲዬ በሚጠራቸው ሰልፎች ላይ እገኛለሁ፡፡ ትግሉ ይቀጥላል! ድል የህዝብ ነው!"


እኛ የምንታገለው፣ ተፈጥዊ ነፃታችንን ለማስመለስ እና እንደሰው በክብር ለመኖር ነው፡፡ እነሱ በተቃራኒው ከለውጥ ተፈጥሯዊነት ጋር የእውር ድንብራቸውን በጉልበት እየተፋለሙ ነው፡፡ እነሱን ለዛሬው ድል ካበቋቸው ነገሮች አንዱ ምናልባትም ዋነኛው የደርግ ጭካኔ የገፋቸው ብሶተኞች በገፍ ትግሉን መቀላቀላቸው እንደሆነ ይታወቃል፡፡
ዛሬም ለእርጉዝ ሴት፣ ለአቅመ-ደካማ አሮጊት፣ በእጃቸው መፈክር እንጂ ዲሞትፈር ባልያዙ ወጣቶች ላይ የሚፈፅሙት ግፍ ታሪክ እራሱን እንደሚደግም የሚያስረግጥልን ነው፡፡ በርካታ አምባገነኖች፣ በውድቀታቸው ዋዜማ ጭካኔያቸው እንደሚበዛም የአደባባይ ምስጢር ነው፡፡ በአንድ ነገር ግን እንፅናናለን የወገኖቻችን ደም በከንቱ ፈሶ አይቀርም፡፡ የነፃነት ቀን ቀርባለች ወደ አደባባዮችም ደግመን ደጋግመን እንወጣለን፡፡

ኢትዮሚድያ - Ethiomedia.com



January 28, 2015

Oromo Demonstraston in Bergen

The dangerous trip for Eritreans, Somalis & Ethiopians Menafen Daily News February 2, 2015 The migrants depart from Moutebes, Alexandria, Damietta, Kafr El-Sheik, and the outlying villages along Egypt's northern coast. If they are Egyptians, they usually come from the delta governorates of Beheira, Daqahleya, and Gharbeya. If they are foreigners, the majority are typically Syrians and Palestinians. There are also Sudanese, Eritreans, Somalis, and Ethiopians. Their first goal is to reach the coast of Italy. From there many head north, to countries such as Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and Germany, all of which are known for their social programmes and opportunities for employment. The ideal time to leave is between April and October. Those months present the most stable weather conditions, but storms and violent waves do not deter migrants from making the journey in the months between November to March. The trip costs anywhere from 2,000 to 5,000, depending on the vessel, the negotiation, the middle men who book the trip, and the risk involved. The migrants may be single men or entire families. Sometimes they are children and adolescents, entrusted with a responsibility to thrive in an environment of opportunity, and then send money back to their loved ones. By the end of 2014, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimated that about 170,000 migrants had made it to the shores of Italy from across the Mediterranean. The statement, which was released on 16 January, said it was "about four times the number registered in 2013, when the Italian authorities recorded 42,925 arrivals". On average, there are about two or three trips a day, says Ahmed Shadley, the North West Director for the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR), a non-profit specialising in human rights and economic justice. Most migrants in the past headed to Libya as a departure point, he added, but as instability and violence have escalated there, Egypt has taken over that role as departure point. The departure point for Mohamed Hussein had been one of the fishing ports in Alexandria. Hussein's name has been changed like the other migrants in this article at their request and for their safety. Hussein is a Syrian who made his way to Cairo before the civil war entered his Damascus neighbourhood. Though he earned a decent living in Cairo as an interior designer EGP 9,000 a month he says he had been enticed by the rumours of better opportunities in Europe and perhaps a little "adventure" and decided to arrange a trip across the Mediterranean which included his pregnant wife and one-year-old daughter. A reliable middle man was found who came at the recommendations of friends and relatives that had made the journey before him. There were no rumours of being conned or abuse by the smugglers this man used. A meeting was arranged with some smugglers at a shopping mall in Alexandria where the family boarded a micro bus, and were then transported three hours to a fishing village where they would depart. They had been transferred from three wooden fishing skiffs with sailors of varying temperaments and anger levels, taking care to avoid the Egyptian coast guard until they were herded onto the larger ship in international waters. He noted that the crew of the larger ship "were nice with Syrians, but with Egyptians and Palestinians they were bad. I don't know why". Families were usually granted sympathy by the smugglers and placed in the middle decks of the ship. Single men either stayed at the bottom of the ship, where they suffocated or outside above where they got scorched by the sun. Hussein believes the ship was only meant to hold cargo and "if the ship was carried 600 passengers, it was made for 300". There were even passengers on top of the ships bridge he added. They spent three days on the smaller boats and eight days on the ship. There was water stored on the ship, and most times they ate canned sardines, though one time they were able to cook carrots, which seemed like a luxury on such a cramped and inhospitable environment. On his journey, the time period when he thought he was most likely to drown and die was whenever an Italian navy patrol passed remotely close to the ship that functioned as their smuggling vessel. The passengers above deck would be raced to one side of the ships cabin obscuring their presence. The sudden movement would cause their ship to rock back and forth to such a point that Hussein thought the boat was in danger of capsizing. When they were close enough to the shores of Italy, the smugglers boarded them onto rowboats and set them loose, where they were later rescued by the Italian navy. After his arrival to Italy, the Italian government and the Red Cross nursed his wife and daughter back to health after they had suffered bladder problems. "The Italian government dealt with us very nicely. They brought us a doctor to anyone who needs it, and clothes" he said. "The camps in Italy weren't like the camps for Syrians in Jordan. Everyone had a bathroom". He has since brought his family to Germany where he is keen to let his friends on Facebook understand his well-being as a Syrian refugee benefitting from the German Refugee Resettlement policy. "Germany deals with Syrians perfectly," he tells friends in Cairo that he and his wife each receive ‚300 every month while his two children both receive ‚200. Though he is unemployed presently, he is taking German language and citizenship classes. The description is tempting for a Syrian friend of his in Cairo unable to find work and in danger of losing his scholarship at Ain Shams University. The journey of Mohamed Hussein and his sharing of its "success" is an example of what motivates many migrants to embark on a journey across the Mediterranean, using Egypt as a transit point. Though Hussein neither suffered money problems or physical hardship, lack of opportunities and unemployment coupled with misleading information has been a motivating factor for the journey of many, said Noria Fernandez-Vidal, the IOM's programme manager. "Relatives and friends in Europe share with them stories of what Europe can offer refugees from welfare, education and health services which lure them into taking such a perilous journey," says Marwa Hashem, Assistant Public Information Officer at the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR). The risks involved being swindled or cheated, getting caught and being detained by the Egyptian Coast Guard, and always the possibility of drowning at sea, Hashem added. The IOM estimates in a September 2014 report that since 2000, there have been over 40,000 fatalities at sea. A particularly horrific incident happened in early September 2014, when survivors who departed from Damietta reported to the IOM that 500 migrants drowned when their boat was deliberately sank by smugglers. The migrants had refused to transfer to another ship they believed was in danger of sinking. The risks are increased as Italy ended its search and rescue operation known as Mare Nostrum, as it was criticised for encouraging illegal immigration. The operation, which has now been replaced by an EU border operation entitled Triton, conducted search and rescue missions in the Mediterranean and has been credited with saving thousands of lives. "Triton is a border operation and does not have a search and rescue mandate. It will only operate close to Italian waters and not beyond, where it is most needed," said John Dalhuisen, Amnesty International Europe and Central Asia Director in a statement released by the organisation 17 October 2014. Ahmed Shadley added: "Italy stopped rescue mission to the Mediterranean to decrease immigrants but that doesn't make them [migrants] to stop to take the risk. Most of them don't know about that decision. That just helps more people die." "The smugglers don't take money until they reach the destination. They have a mediator back here in Egypt who they call to tell them they go to Europe safely then they give them the money", Shadely, said. He mentioned a woman with children who failed three times to make the journey but was able to continue making attempts because of the system which developed. In the case of Hussein, the middle man also functioned as a watch-out, that if the trip does not happen or the migrant does not make it to Italy, if the border patrols close in, the middle man will not deliver the money to the smugglers. For Ahmed Islam, a Syrian from Homs who used the last of his money to pay the smuggling fee, the reliable middle man in 6th of October City only went so far. When Islam was asked to board a rowboat as the ship he was on reached Italian waters, the crew told him "it was 13 hours until you arrive in Italy, but they lied to us and we stayed for three days in the small boat until the Italian navy saved us". Ahmed Ibrahim paid EGP 2,500 to a middle man he contacted in a caf in August 2014. As a single male who would send money back to his family in Egypt, he boarded a fishing boat off Alexandria to rendezvous with a larger ship. Unfortunately for Ibrahim, when they were out on international waters, the larger ship never materialised, the engine of the fishing boat broke down and the boat was left adrift for several days until they were rescued and arrested by the Egyptian coast guard. Though Ibrahim did not receive his money back from the middle man, he was held for three months at a detention centre outside of Alexandria. Amnesty International has called the detentions illegal citing "poor conditions with some held in rooms infested with cockroaches, mosquitoes and mice," in a statement released November 2014. Most of the time the detention can last from one to six weeks, though there are some who spend two months in prison, said Mohamed Al-Kahsef, a monitoring field researcher for the EIPR. Al-Kashef also added that Egyptians normally pay bail and are released after several days while foreigners are detained "until the security state checks them. There is no criteria who will be kept in detention or who will be released. It depends on the security report." He continued that frequently the government has foreigners sign an agreement saying they were not illegally detained, Al-Kashef said, allowing the migrants' deportation and possibly returned to the country which they were fleeing. He added there was actually no crime considered "Illegal Migration", which the migrants are generally accused of. "That the Egyptian authorities could even consider returning refugees to the turbulent and bloody conflict in Syria is appalling. They are carelessly placing the lives of those seeking safety at grave risk," said Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui, Amnesty's Deputy Director for the Middle East and North Africa. "It's a matter of luck going on the boat", Ibrahim said. "A Palestinian-Syrian friend I had came to Egypt with his wife and children. They were expected to make two separate journeys, but my friend was detained by the Egyptian authorities while his family had made it through, the ship sank and his wife and children died." "They suffer like Egyptians with bad conditions and economic problems," Shadely said. "Because they're refugees, they have problems registering in school as well as the universal problems of finding work. They want to leave because of poverty. Why not take the risk?" When asked about the possibility of leaving Egypt by boat, Mohamed Morgan, a Sudanese refugee, compared his situation to the story of a man in the jungle who had no place to run to. He said: "In the river there are crocodiles. In the trees the snakes will find him. The lion is on the land." Morgan survived a government air bombing of his village in South Kordofan in October 2013 which killed his mother and brother. He was also arrested in Khartoum on charges that he belonged to a political group against the government and was beaten in prison. He believes "black people are not human to Egyptians" and has complained along with other Sudanese of racism and violence as well as economic problems. When he first came to Cairo, he was robbed in Attaba, Cairo by men who forced him into a van, posing as police officers. In September whilst he was at work, his wife went to confront an Egyptian family in their neighbourhood about a fight between their children. The argument escalated into a home invasion with men from the family pushing through their door and attacking his wife. "'You are black. Why are you here?", he said his neighbours ask him if there are problems between them. He said that if he were a single man, he would have no problem making the trip, but with a family he worries of the consequences of either leaving them in Egypt or the risk of bringing them along. Fernandez-Vidal said though it is the economic factors that are the motivators, "not everyone takes the decision for leaving". For Mohamed Talgadeen, a refugee from Darfur, the decisive factor is a chance to marry and have a family. Recently a friend of his travelled to Libya hearing of the better work options, even with the outbreak of chaos in the country. Once his friend is settled he will invite Talgadeen, who is interested in leaving. "Maybe I will leave with him, why stay here," he said. In Cairo, he makes on average of EGP 1,000 a month selling watches six days a week, twelve hours a day. He stays in an apartment with seven other men and feels he is looking forward to a life lacking opportunity. Whatever money he has left, he usually sends it to his family in Sudan and is not able to save up for any of his goals. He has been in Cairo for ten years. He put it simply: "Time goes and I won't be able to get married because in Libya you can go and make a lot of money. From there I will go to Italy. I am waiting for a phone call." Ethiomedia.com - An African-American news and views website. Copyright 2013 Ethiomedia.com. Email: editor@ethiomedia.com

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Open Letter to President Barack Obama By Obang Metho February 7, 2015 Will Obama heed the message? Honorable Barack Obama The President of the United States of America The White House 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue Washington, DC 20501 Dear President Obama, I am writing this to you on behalf of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE) to alert you to the alarming political conditions in Ethiopia that may threaten the future security and stability of this strategic country in the Horn of Africa. Current United States policies that strongly support the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) are being abused by this regime to undermine the democratic aspirations of the Ethiopian people. As the EPRDF intensifies the crack down on the political and human rights of the people there is fear that some event may ignite the simmering tensions, causing them to explode into violence, killing and chaos. My name is Obang Metho. I am the Executive Director of the SMNE, a non-violent, non-political grassroots social justice movement representing the diverse people of Ethiopia. I come to you first and foremost as a human being who believes that the future well being of our global society rests in the hands of those among us who can put humanity before ethnicity or any other distinctions that divide and dehumanize other human beings from ourselves; inspiring us to care about these others; not only because of the intrinsic God-given value of each life, but also because none of us will be free until all are free. These are the underlying principles of the SMNE. The SMNE is committed to bringing truth, justice, freedom, equality, reconciliation, accountability, respect for human and civil rights and economic prosperity to the people of Ethiopia and beyond. Urgency of concern: The escalation of frustrations regarding the upcoming Ethiopian national elections scheduled for May 24, 2015, may become the trigger to violence as Ethiopians face the dismal reality that all avenues to democratic political change are solidly blocked. If violence breaks out, it may spin out of control. Now is the time to take steps to avoid it; however, the TPLF/EPRDF fears the people to the degree that they may find it impossible to alter their direction, even if it is what pushes people over the edge towards a violent backlash. The SMNE seeks to help all parties avoid such an outcome. Unfortunately, the TPLF/EPRDF will never voluntarily give up power by holding a free and fair election. They know opening up political space would lead to a reversal of power. As a result, there is little hope that the situation will improve without leverage. We know that, the United States is the chief financial, political and security backer of the TPLF/EPRDF. If the appropriate actions are taken, it may give the US an opportunity to improve the long-term interests of the US in Ethiopia and the Horn as well as to contribute to a better future for Ethiopians and their neighbors. Clearly, Ethiopia is the most stable country among its neighbors like Eritrea, Somalia, Sudan and South Sudan, but if it were to descend into instability, it would be devastating for the Horn of Africa and beyond. There needs to be an alternative that would offer a peaceful way out for all parties, including the TPLF/EPRDF. The TPLF/EPRDF will not and cannot do it alone. The people of Ethiopia must do the major work, but if they are facing a strongly-US, UK or EU-supported TPLF/EPRDF; the job will be all the more difficult. The TPLF/EPRDF has become an increasingly totalitarian government over the last 24 years they have been in power; however, the real power behind them is the ethnic-based Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) that dominates every branch of the government. Their stated goal is to gain perpetual rule and hegemony of Ethiopia. As documented by both the US Embassy in Addis Ababa and the US State Department’s human rights division, the Ethiopian government is becoming increasingly brutal in its crack down on basic freedom, democratic processes, and the rule of law. This is not new. Since coming to power, this regime has never held a free and fair election. The closest it came to allowing a degree of political space was in 2005 when the opposition nearly won. Instead, the TPLF/EPRDF claimed a victory, killed 193 election protestors in the streets, imprisoned opposition members, and closed down all political space in the 2010 election. At that time they even misused humanitarian aid to control voting at every level; finally claiming an absurd 99.6% electoral victory. The Ethiopian Parliament has only one opposition member out of 547. Some are willing to overlook the lack of democratic progress, believing that claims of economic progress make up for it. However, although there may be some advances made, TPLF/EPRDF statistics claiming double-digit economic growth are being challenged as Ethiopians remain at the bottom of most every poverty index. There is little to no private sector, but instead, economic opportunities are limited to regime cronies, another source of contention among Ethiopians. A robust civil sector that could act as watchdogs of society has been eliminated due to the implementation of the Charities and Societies Proclamation. This is a law that has made it a crime for civic organizations who receive more than 10% of the funding from foreign sources to advance human and democratic rights, to promote equality among ethnicities, genders and religions, to promote rights for the disabled and children, to promote conflict resolution or reconciliation, or to promote the efficiency of justice and law enforcement services. Some 2,600 or more civic organizations closed in response. In their place, the TPLF/EPRDF has set-up pseudo-organizations they control. Similarly, they have passed an Anti-Terrorism Law that is used to silence democratic voices, journalists, bloggers, editors, opposition leaders and religious leaders under false pretenses. Ethiopia has become one of the highest jailers of political prisoners in Africa. In present day Ethiopia, every important public and private institution is under the control of the TPLF/EPRDF, whether it is the judiciary, the police and security forces, government offices and ministries all the way to the local level, the military, the media, the telecom system, the Internet, the educational system, the economy, and most importantly right now, the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE). In the last month, they have increased their efforts to eliminate any competition. This includes beating up opposition leaders and any who speak out against them, even pregnant women and the elderly. Many are jailed in an effort to intimidate any who call for a legitimate democratic process. Obstacles are erected to block every effort of opposition parties to satisfy the impossible requirements of the NEBE. Two prominent opposition political parties, the Unity for Justice and Democracy (UDJ) and the All Ethiopian Unity Party (AEUP), have both made valiant attempts to comply with unreasonable demands; however, they now have been denied participation in the election. Instead, the TPLF/EPRDF has hijacked the ownership of these parties, even taking on their names, UDJ and AEUP. They have appointed their own people to run as candidates against others in the TPLF/EPRDF, essentially competing with themselves in a ruse to confuse the people. Recommendations for meaningful US action regarding Ethiopia: US silence or only symbolic gestures regarding the evolving crisis in Ethiopia may work for the short-term, but no one knows for how long. In fact, continued US support or meaningless action may inadvertently exacerbate the crisis and undermine stability. Instead, the US should use their leverage to bring democratic change and sustainable stability to the country; both of which would enhance long-term US interests in Ethiopia and the Horn. Meaningful actions include: Calling for an independent election commission Implementing the Omnibus Bill 2015 concerning Ethiopia Releasing imprisoned political prisoners Freezing security cooperation with the regime Implementing travel bans on key regime officials and freezing their assets It is not in the interests of anybody to wait for an explosion. Ethiopia is in crisis. Our goal is to bring peace even as some are beating the drums of violence. We strongly encourage you to put pressure on this regime. Condemn these actions. The US should not be silent when such a stance could contribute to the future wellbeing and stability of this strategic country of over 90 million people. Respectfully yours, Obang Metho, Executive Director of the SMNE 910- 17th St. NW, Suite 419 Washington, DC 20006 Email:Obang@solidaritymovement.org Website:www.solidaritymovement.org Ethiomedia.com - An African-American news and views website. Copyright 2013 Ethiomedia.com. Email: editor@ethiomedia.com

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